The independence of knowledge production is under pressure. In Germany and Austria, critical cultural analysis approaches, such as gender and postcolonial studies, are particularly affected. Advocating for equality and criticizing structurally entrenched monopolies of violence, these approaches provoke people across the political spectrum, from conservatives to neo-fascists. Attacks on individual academics and universities are becoming increasingly frequent and unabashed. In doing so, they are not only attacking so-called ‘woke’ subjects but also university autonomy. These worrying developments come on top of the already precarious employment conditions of most university staff and raise fears that critical spaces at universities will be shut down by the right in the future. Who will protect them? Melanie Konrad, Laura Mücke, and Katharina Seibert search for answers.
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They supposedly dress in Berlin hipster chic and have rainbow and FCKNZS pins on their fanny packs. They speak politically correct and know everything better. These are the supposed enemies against whom the self-appointed crusaders of anti-wokeness are calling for a hunt. Big cities like Berlin and Vienna have become the bogeymen of a ‘true Germany’ or ‘true Austria.’
The media calls this a ‘culture war’ – and it is currently radicalizing at an alarming rate. Last year alone, for example, city councils, local police forces, and a united anti-fascist movement had to work hard to ensure that most Pride events in Germany could take place in relative peace. In Austria, a network of self-proclaimed ‘pedo hunters’ was recently uncovered – right-wing extremists who organized via the Telegram messaging service and used dating apps to contact gay and straight men, ambushing and beating them.
However, this ‘culture war’ is not limited to social media or the arts pages. Nor can it be explained by the question of who is responsible for cancel culture: the ‘woke hipsters,’ the CSU, the FW, the AfD, the so-called left-wing groups, or the FPÖ. In recent years, socially critical academic perspectives have increasingly become targets of right-wing attacks. In February 2025, for instance, the Professional Association for Gender Studies published an open letter in response to Alice Weidel’s demand at the AfD party conference to abolish gender studies in Germany. This open letter is just one of many statements by scientists and institutions in German-speaking countries. For years, these individuals and other observers have warned about current developments: attacks from the right against pluralistic social models, social justice, and human rights are increasing and becoming more shameless and aggressive. Everywhere.
Is this still a ‘culture war’?
The question of whether authorities should use discrimination-sensitive language is no longer relevant in this context. Today, in the summer of 2025, the issue is clearly cuts in research funding and serious attacks on independent and critical knowledge production. The first sad climax occurred in May 2024. In response to an open letter from Berlin university teachers regarding the ‘right to peaceful protest’ on campus and universities’ responsibility to maintain spaces for debate despite controversy, former Education Minister Bettina Stark-Watzinger (FDP) demanded that the letter’s signatories be individually ‘checked.’ The signatories could have had research funding withdrawn due to ‘criminally relevant content’ such as incitement to hatred. Symptomatically, this scandal did not lead to the minister’s resignation but rather to the dismissal of State Secretary Sabine Döring.
Another sad highlight: In late March 2025, Lisa-Marie Jeckel, a politician from the Free Democrats (FDP), submitted a request (Kleine Anfrage) in the state of Rhineland-Palatinate that questioned the academic autonomy of certain subjects. The request asked the state government of Rhineland-Palatinate to explain its understanding of critical race theory and to list academic institutions and research projects dealing with it. The AfD had already submitted an identical request to the Hessian state parliament in July 2024.
At the end of April 2025, the FPÖ in Austria submitted a request to the Federal Minister for Women, Science, and Research. The request called on the minister to investigate alleged ‘left-wing extremist and anti-Semitic activities’ at the University of Applied Arts, linking them to the Gaza war, among other things. However, the ‘concern’ about problematic content and the discussion about anti-Semitism are merely pretexts to discredit renowned researchers and shut down spaces for discussion. This is not least evident from the complete lack of interest in having a critical discussion about anti-Semitism.
Magdalena Beljan explained to the afg that such requests are “fundamentally an important means of parliamentary control.” However, the AfD and other parties use them to call into question the funding policies of democratic institutions and universities on gender equality and socially critical subjects. Recently, the CDU/CSU submitted a similar request regarding political neutrality in state-funded organizations. This is not what reducing bureaucracy looks like. This strategy wastes working time, resources, and taxpayer money that could be allocated toward greater social justice, more affordable housing, combating child poverty, and climate protection in agriculture and forestry, as well as more critical research.
Only critical research is innovative
Independent research indisputably has social value because it remains curious and self-critical in the face of the world’s complexity and asks uncomfortable questions. Therefore, only critical research is also innovative research. Subjects such as gender studies, migration research, and postcolonial studies refuse to accept simple answers. They demand complexity and can tolerate dissonance.
In the outcry against discrimination-sensitive language and the inclusion of marginalized groups in knowledge production, one thing is consistently overlooked: these research perspectives are not disposable at universities. Rather, they are subfields of basic research necessary for a better understanding of social processes and inequalities. Gender has long been an indispensable category, even in subjects that are supposedly gender-neutral, such as climate research, computer science, law, and medicine. Without gender studies, we would not know that heart attacks can manifest differently in women or that AI can perpetuate existing power dynamics. Therefore, attacks on gender studies are clearly attacks on science and a fact-based worldview.
However, when scientists insist on ‘academic freedom’ in the current debate, they are not only referring to their constitutionally protected right to conduct research independently of party political agendas. Like NUWiss and NGAWiss, they also demand recognition that innovative and critical research requires time, resources, and stable working conditions. This scenario presents us with a clear, long-overdue need for action: basic research must be protected and promoted because it is indispensable for peaceful coexistence, democracy, and our future.
But what are the chances of this happening? Observers in Germany are skeptical about the new Minister for Research, Technology, and Space, Dorothee Bär (CSU). She is not known for her progressive social and women’s policies. It remains to be seen how she will implement the intentions outlined in the coalition agreement to improve working conditions in science and increase the proportion of women in leadership positions. In Austria, many are pinning their hopes on Federal Minister of Women, Science, and Research Eva-Maria Holzleithner (SPÖ). She describes herself as a feminist and believes that “science and research are central pillars of society.” However, given Austria’s poor economic figures and the resulting budget cuts, she must first demonstrate what can be achieved under these conditions.
One thing is clear: although the current political climate seems bleak, gender studies has a track record to be proud of. The process of bringing it into academia began around 50 years ago when an activist movement transformed into scientific disciplines. Since then, gender studies has developed into one of the most productive and international branches of research. Its knowledge moves productively between disciplines and has established itself across boundaries. The effects are clearly noticeable. Knowledge has become more diverse and less confined to the ivory tower, promoting social equality. Student demand remains high as well. Courses with intersectional topics are regularly overcrowded, and students often form their own learning groups when necessary. Once again, gender studies is not interested in division. The same cannot be said for attacks from the center-right.