Green Capitalism, the Militarization of Society in Azerbaijan, and Multi-Issue Countermovements

Linking anti-war and environmental struggles is a key challenge in a world marked by capitalist exploitation, geopolitical conflicts and the climate crisis. This is particularly evident in resource-rich but politically repressive states such as Azerbaijan, where the extraction of critical raw materials, military conflicts and green-washed capitalist development strategies are closely intertwined, and have provoked multi-issue countermovements in response. Rovshana Orujova takes stock of the situation.

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One of the central contradictions of green capitalism is the use of raw materials. The expansion of renewable energy, electromobility, and digital infrastructure is leading to a surge in demand for critical raw materials such as copper, cobalt, lithium and rare earths. These materials are essential for batteries, solar panels, wind turbines and other key technologies. Azerbaijan, which has significant copper deposits, is playing an increasingly important role in the global supply of raw materials for the ‘energy transition.’

One example is the ‘Green Energy Agreement’ between the EU and Azerbaijan from 2022, which envisages the construction of an 1100 km submarine cable through the Black Sea to deliver electricity from renewable energy sources to Europe. Despite its environmental promises, this project requires significant amounts of resources and energy, resulting in high CO2 emissions. The mining of copper and aluminum for the cable, the transportation of fossil fuel-powered ships, and the energy-intensive installation of the infrastructure contradict climate goals. These dynamics show that ‘green’ capitalism often does not contribute to solving ecological crises, but rather legitimizes new forms of extraction and environmental destruction – thus creating new ecological crises or exacerbating existing ones.

Military maintenance of green and fossil capitalism

Control over natural resources is often linked to military conflicts. This is particularly evident in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which has become a focus of economic interests after the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and the ethnic cleansing of the Armenian population in 2023.

The demarcation and regulation of nation-state borders, as well as the control over fossil fuels and raw materials, are deeply rooted in capitalist dynamics and mechanisms of capital accumulation. The conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, in which troops from Azerbaijan invaded the region and established an occupation regime, illustrates the link between territorial control and resource exploitation in a capitalist framework.

After the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020, and especially after the ethnic cleansing of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh on September 19, 2023, Azerbaijan is making extensive efforts to position the Nagorno-Karabakh region as a lucrative resource hub, whether in the field of renewable energy or the extraction of critical raw materials such as copper, cobalt, gold, and silver. The strategic importance of the Qizilbulag and Demirli gold mines in Nagorno-Karabakh has been enhanced by the 2022 agreement between the Azerbaijani government and the British company Anglo-Asian Mining, which includes three additional mining areas. This increased importance led to the implementation of the blockade of the Lachin/Berdzor corridor, which lasted more than ten months and resulted in famine. The aim was to create fear among the Armenians so that they would no longer have any prospects in the region.

The blockade of the Lachin/Berdzor corridor by Azerbaijan, which resulted in a humanitarian catastrophe for the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, ultimately also served to create favorable conditions for economic control of the territory. Although these mines were inactive at the time the treaty was signed, their operation depended on the outcome of the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. Therefore, Azerbaijan sought an accelerated ‘peace agreement’ and then the ethnic cleansing of Armenians to further these capitalist interests.

In short, in order to create optimal conditions for the transnational accumulation and circulation of capital, Azerbaijan disregarded international law and created ‘regional stability and security,’ including the guarantee of stable economic relations, the infrastructure necessary for the capitalist process of production and exploitation, and the unimpeded transportation of raw materials. Against this background, it is understandable that there was no significant international opposition to the expulsion of more than 100,000 Armenians.

Contradictions of green capitalism

Green capitalism as practiced in Azerbaijan is riddled with deep contradictions. While the country positions itself as a pioneer in renewable energy and seeks to establish itself as a ‘green’ energy supplier to Europe, the underlying mechanisms of resource exploitation and military force are inextricably linked to this strategy. The Azerbaijani government’s policy of resource control in strategically important areas reinforces environmental degradation and is closely linked to the global capitalist growth dynamic that fuels wars and climate collapse – and is thus diametrically opposed to the environmental and anti-war movements. In this context, conferences like COP29 in Azerbaijan play a central role in creating new markets for the stable accumulation and regulation of green capital. The related socio-political conflicts taking place in the background are often overlooked.

The environmental and anti-war movements cannot be thought of in isolation. This becomes particularly clear when analyzing international conferences such as COP29, which took place in Baku from November 11 to 22. COP29 was hosted by Azerbaijan as a key event in the global fight against climate change. Although the event is commonly presented as a response to the climate crisis, a closer look reveals that it is strongly linked to the mechanisms of green capitalism, a system that combines ecological solutions with the principles of growth, competition and profit. However, this supposedly ‘green’ agenda ignores the social and political conflicts and human rights violations that are taking place in the background, and often contributes to reinforcing existing injustices. In Azerbaijan, this is happening under the liberal authoritarian Aliyev regime, which is supported by liberal democrats.

Azerbaijan is increasingly positioning itself as a strategic hub for the supply of raw materials to Europe. While Baku has been supplying more gas to Europe since the start of the Ukraine war, it has also expanded its oil and gas relations with Moscow, potentially to meet this export demand. At the same time, Azerbaijan presents itself as an attractive location for green capitalist marketing. President Ilham Aliyev describes Nagorno-Karabakh as a ‘green energy zone’ and uses international forums such as the GeoMining trade fair in Baku to promote foreign investment in mining. Aliyev is banking on Azerbaijan’s large copper and cobalt deposits, which are essential for the production of batteries, cables for ‘renewable energies’ and military equipment. However, the considerable CO₂ emissions caused by the extraction and processing of these raw materials remain unnoticed.

At the same time, Azerbaijan plans to serve as a central transit route for raw materials from Central Asia to Europe. The EU has already signed agreements with Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan for the extraction of lithium, an essential raw material for electric vehicles, solar batteries and computers. Aliyev is therefore pushing for a ‘peace agreement’ with Armenian President Nikol Pashinyan as soon as possible, which would secure Azerbaijan’s control over the Zangazur Corridor – a so-called ‘transport corridor’ through the Syunik region, which belongs to Armenia and is supposed to connect the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan with Azerbaijan. As trade routes through Iran and Russia are considered impractical, this corridor, along with the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor, is becoming increasingly important for Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan is gaining importance as a supplier of raw materials to Europe due to Russia’s extensive decoupling from the West and limited access to Iranian routes. For this reason, the Azerbaijani dictator is using all means at his disposal to gain control over this corridor. In this context, another war cannot be ruled out.

These developments show that green capitalism does not contradict extractivist and militarist strategies, but integrates and even celebrates them. The ‘energy transition’ is used to legitimize capitalist expansion and geopolitical domination, while environmental destruction, human rights violations and military conflicts continue to increase.

Environmental protests in Söyüdlü

In Azerbaijan, an authoritarian regime ruled for years with an iron fist by the Aliyev family, political repression and suppression of the political landscape are the order of the day. The regime has embarked on a repressive course to suppress any form of resistance, including and especially environmental protests.

The Söyüdlü protest is a particularly dramatic example of this repression. In June 2023, an environmental protest took place in the village of Söyüdlü in northwestern Azerbaijan. The villagers gathered to protest the construction of a second artificial reservoir, which has led to significant water pollution, forest desiccation, air pollution, and human and animal deaths. This reservoir is used to dispose of industrial waste from the Gadabay gold mine, which is operated by the international company Anglo Asian Mining PLC, a company with ties to the Azerbaijani dictatorial family. The protest was violently suppressed: the village was cordoned off, police used tear gas, and many protesters were arrested, many of whom are still in detention. The village is still under police blockade.

The environmental protests illustrate how environmental conflicts in Azerbaijan are perceived as political threats and are not only suppressed but also fought with brutal violence, while the COP29 environmental conference is staged locally as an environmental circus that hides the reality of repression.

The NoWar movement in Azerbaijan

Control over natural resources is often closely linked to military conflicts, as the war over Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 shows. In this political environment, the NoWar movement, which strongly opposes Azerbaijan’s warfare, has become a symbol of resistance.

Since the 1990s, there has been a deep-rooted tradition in Azerbaijan of viewing any support for dialogue with Armenia as a betrayal. This attitude intensified during the 2020 war, when any attempt to question the country’s militaristic course was defamed as anti-nationalist. This led to the emergence of the No War Movement, which opposes Azerbaijan’s aggressive foreign policy and warfare. The grassroots movement unites various political forces, from liberal and left-liberal queer-feminist groups to radical left-wing currents. It is one of the few voices publicly opposing the militaristic policies and warmongering of the authoritarian state. Although the movement is a relatively small minority, it has established itself as a powerful opposition to the government’s rhetoric of forced unity. And as a result, it faces harsh countermeasures. Queer feminists within the movement have been particularly hard hit by repression and have been repeatedly vilified as ‘traitors’ and ‘foreign agents’ – a tactic similar to that used by global right-wing ideologies.

In a political climate that suppresses and persecutes dissenting voices, these political forces have become a symbol of resistance to the authoritarian course of the state. That this is about ‘the big picture’ is again evident in the context of COP29, where the link between the anti-war and environmental movements was particularly evident, as the protests against the environmental circus of COP29 were also co-organized by the political forces of the NoWar movement.

The Caucasus Feminist Anti-War Movement (C-FAM) – an alliance of activists from Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia – organized a large demonstration in Tbilisi, Georgia, on 11 November 2024, the opening day of COP29. Under the slogan ‘COP29 – Stop fueling oppression’ and with the support of Greta Thunberg, participants protested against authoritarian policies in Azerbaijan and the imprisonment and repression of activists. This demonstration drew attention to the environmental protest in Söyüdlü and Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. The reaction of the Azerbaijani state to this demonstration was violent. The pro-regime media launched a smear campaign, calling the activists traitors to the country. This shows the close link between authoritarian regimes, whose economic policies are based on green capitalism, and their repression of political movements. But the example of the COP29 protests also shows that the struggle against climate change cannot be seen in isolation. It is a struggle that is embedded in the broader context of anti-war movements, social justice struggles and resistance to authoritarian regimes.

Inextricably linked

The fact that these many different struggles have a common denominator shows the importance of linking ecological and social transformation. Real change in climate policy requires not technological innovation, but a fundamental upheaval in the social structure of capitalism. In short, a fundamental transformation of the global economic order: away from competition, growth and profit, away from modernizing strategies towards solidary and ecological transformative strategies.

Real solutions can only be found outside the capitalist logic of growth. Concepts such as degrowth and a solidarity economy are based on turning away from resource exploitation and capital-driven environmental destruction. What is needed are transnational alliances that link environmental struggles critical of capitalism with social movements against war, authoritarianism and extractivist exploitation. Anti-war and environmental struggles are inextricably linked: Only a world without capitalist resource wars can make an ecological future possible.