Mongolia’s often unhoused underclass – nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples – are affected by the violence of colonial-capitalist development in multiple ways: robbed of their land, resources, etc. (and thus deprived of self-sufficiency) in the name of exploiting ‘mineral wealth’ and exposed to the resulting ecological damage including pollution. The latter is weaponized as sedentary lifestyles are propagated both as a retreat from pollution and as a means of overcoming it, for example by privatizing the care of one’s personal environment. In her contribution to the “Pluriverse of Peace” series, Shuree Sarantuya traces the different trajectories of environmental warfare against nomads and highlights their struggles.
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Mongolia celebrated the Lunar New Year on March 1 this year, marking not only the arrival of spring, but also the end of a harsh winter. As temperatures rise, another seasonal cycle comes to an end: the thick, toxic air pollution that blankets Ulaanbaatar during the cold months begins to dissipate.
During the Lunar New Year, it is customary to make hundreds or even thousands of ‘buuz’ (Mongolian dumplings), depending on the size of the family. Traditionally, these dumplings are left outside or on balconies to freeze. However, people have become increasingly aware of the pollution that contaminates their food. Social media posts now humorously point out that you can tell a person’s neighborhood by the layer of soot on their buuz. Pollution in Ulaanbaatar doesn’t stay outside; it seeps into homes through poor insulation, faulty stoves, and the biodegradable materials used in traditional yurts (ger), making indoor air just as dangerous.
During the winter, particulate matter levels in Ulaanbaatar can be up to 27 times higher than the World Health Organization’s recommended limit, posing serious health risks. The smog stagnates and forms a visible barrier over the city, visible from the surrounding mountains. Every weekend, people escape to these mountains or to the riverbanks near the city, a practice known as ‘agaart garah’ (going to the fresh air). With more resources, many would travel to Southeast Asia to escape the peak pollution season. But low-income and marginalized communities bear the brunt, often caught between coal briquettes, ‘improved’ stoves, and ‘green loans.’
Obviously, the ‘green loans’ targeted at people living in the Ger district and semi-nomadic people living on the outskirts of cities suggest that the appropriate response to pollution is market-based ‘green’ solutions and that it is the responsibility of the individual household. Just as the voluntary transition from nomadic to sedentary life is now seen as an individual responsibility, with many ex-nomads experiencing generational poverty and pollution without state help or support.
At the center of pollution
Mongolia’s ger districts emerged rapidly after the collapse of the socialist system in the 1990s. Economic hardship and extreme winter disasters (‘dzuds’) caused by climate change forced thousands of nomadic herders to migrate to cities, settling in informal districts on the outskirts of towns and cities, excluded from basic urban amenities. Dependence on coal-burning stoves for heat has made these neighborhoods a major contributor to Ulaanbaatar’s severe air pollution, exacerbated by high vehicle emissions from traffic congestion due to the lack of a subway, metro, or tram system.
Over the past seven years, approximately 7,000 cases of carbon monoxide poisoning have been reported in Ulaanbaatar, often caused by poorly insulated stoves, blocked chimneys, and a lack of smoke detectors. In response, the government launched a program to distribute new stoves to 84,000 households in the Ger districts. The contract was awarded to Nuudelchin (‘The Nomad’) stoves from Eco Resource LLC, with each stove valued at MNT 875,000 (245,00 Euro) and offered on loan.
However, reports of improper use reveal risks and inefficiencies. In January 2025, six people died from carbon monoxide poisoning related to improper use of a Nomad stove. While Eco Resource LLC issued a public condolence statement, the incident has raised questions about the stove’s safety and sparked discussions on social media. The company claims its stove is designed to burn coal more efficiently, reducing smoke and fuel consumption, which could improve air quality. An indepedent study confirms this. Researchers compared similar stoves with traditional metal stoves, which are used mainly in the Ger districts. Their conclusion: While pollutant levels were similar between stove types, the ´improved stoves´ significantly reduced levels and passed ecotoxicity tests, demonstrating that it is critical for safer indoor air quality.
The government must therefore be criticized for failing to communicate the proper use of the ´improved stoves.´ But clean air campaigners and residents are even going a step further, attacking the effectiveness and transparency of the government’s approach to tackling air pollution. A petition gathered 71,000 signatures in just 10 days, culminating in a national oversight hearing in February 2025. But only 15 out of 126 MPs attended the hearing, reflecting the low level of parliamentary engagement on the issue. Public frustration is growing. Meanwhile, the deeper causes of pollution – capitalist cycles of extraction, production and consumption – remain neglected and glossed over by market-based ‘greening’ initiatives that perpetuate the environmental war against nomads.
The causes of pollution
In late 2024, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in Mongolia, in partnership with the Ministry of Environment, the City of Ulaanbaatar, and the Government of France, launched the ‘If Only I Could Go Solar’ or ‘Coal-to-Solar’ crowdfunding campaign. This initiative aims to raise funds to provide solar-powered electricity, heating, and improved insulation to the residents of Ger District. The campaign aims to raise $60,000 to provide 100 households with clean energy. Although the cost of the package is nearly three times that of ‘The Nomad’ stove, social media is abuzz with enthusiasm for moving away from coal and living chimney-free.
Earlier this year, Mongolia’s MonAtom LLC and France’s Orano Corporation signed the Franco-Mongolian uranium project, which promises 1,600 jobs over 30 years. While Orano promises to adhere to international standards and share revenues equitably, concerns remain about Mongolia’s long-term economic autonomy in resource extraction. Mongolia’s uranium exploration dates back to Soviet-era collaborations in the 1950s, with key deposits at Dornod and Dornogovi. Despite government control under the Atomic Energy Law, foreign investment remains essential for commercial mining, raising questions about national self-sufficiency and environmental impact. The country’s mineral wealth, particularly copper from mines such as Oyu Tolgoi (jointly owned by Rio Tinto and the Mongolian government) and Erdenet (a state-owned enterprise), remains largely untapped for domestic production.
This year, after 37 years of planning, a new copper smelter near Erdenet is expected to begin operations, marking a long-awaited step toward reducing dependence on commodity exports and creating local economic development. Mongolia’s reliance on foreign-led mining projects to fuel the global ‘green economy’ perpetuates underdevelopment. Without transparent government reinvestment in infrastructure, the country remains trapped in an extractive model and socio-economic inequality. The invisibilized border between the city and the ger districts is hoped to be bridged one day by ethical ‘green urbanization’ and the intermingling of the city with mobile homes that come in many forms.
Calls for systemic change
Mining companies have historically operated near marginalized communities, often promising economic development and modernity while perpetuating dependence on extractive industries. Siberia, home to Russia’s oil, gas, and diamond reserves, saw the rise of mining towns during the Soviet era, many of which grew out of forced labor camps (gulags) and the forced sedentarization of indigenous groups. Today, these settlements face economic instability and environmental degradation, resulting in fragmented ‘resourcescapes’ that alienate local communities.
Forced sedentarization, in this region rooted in colonial extractivism, has had disastrous consequences. In addition to the ecological damage caused by extractivism, the socio-economic catastrophe is unmistakable: settlements that often fall into disrepair after the end of resource extraction, creating economic and social challenges for generations. Moreover, sedentarization has left a deep imprint on nomadic, semi-nomadic, indigenous, and minority communities, often forcing them into slums and endless cycles of poverty. These impoverished areas are not accidental – they are systematically produced, maintained, and managed. Meanwhile, nations and corporations that profit from resource extraction often provide aid, development programs, and financial support to mitigate the consequences of their own industries. Genuine reparations should go beyond band-aid solutions and take the form of structural reparations that restore community autonomy rather than further entrench cycles of exploitation.
Back in Ulaanbaatar, elders take out loans against their pensions to afford traditional food for the Lunar New Year. Inflation continues to rise, widening the gap between the upper and middle classes, who enjoy warmth and abundance, and those in the Ger district, who struggle to survive. Still, all city residents cross paths – whether crammed into overcrowded buses or sitting comfortably in heated Mercedes – breathing the same toxic air.
Young people dream of a metro system, teachers long for better wages, and almost everyone yearns for clean air and an affordable cost of living. Despite the beauty of its landscape, Mongolia’s harsh reality is undeniable: air pollution is a truth many have accepted but are still ashamed to reveal to the world. Children are born in it, live in it, and tragically die in it. As the new lunar year begins, bringing hope for health and prosperity, it also calls for systemic change – change that goes beyond ‘aid to autonomy’ and ‘ethical cooperation.’